Now that our Confederate flag has been deemed un-American, illegal and an icon of slavery and oppression, it’s time that this proud Southern woman speak out on what really happened since I hail from a very old southern family who fought in the Civil War.
Most Americans chose to believe that all southerners were merciless slave owners that brutalized Black Americans and in our language, it just ain’t so.
What most Americans fail to recognize is that most of the large plantations were owned by immigrant Jewish Americans that felt they deserved to keep their slave labor at any cost. Remember it was Jewish slave ships that brought black Africans to America to force them into indentured servitude for a hefty profit. Their ships were in service 24 hours a day.
According to writer Robert Rosen Jews enjoyed the “free air of Dixie.”
He writes –
FROM ABRAHAM LINCOLN’S ELECTION as president of the United States in November 1860, through the secession winter of 1860, to the bombardment of Fort Sumter in April 1861, Jewish Southerners from Virginia to Texas weighed their devotion to the Union and to their states. “A storm, vast and terrible, is impending,” Rabbi James K. Gutheim of New Orleans told his congregation. Some were the sons and daughters—indeed, the grandsons and the granddaughters—of Southerners born and bred in Dixie. Some were slaveholders. A very few were planters. Some were descended from Sephardic Jews whose ancestors had been expelled from Spain and Portugal in the year Columbus set sail for the Orient.
From Wikipedia –
Then Judah Philip Benjamin QC (August 11, 1811 – May 6, 1884) was a lawyer and politician who was a United States Senator from Louisiana, a Cabinet officer of the Confederate States and, after his escape to the United Kingdom at the end of the American Civil War, an English barrister. Benjamin was the first person professing the Jewish faith to be elected to the United States Senate, and the first Jew to hold a cabinet position in North America.
Benjamin’s view that slavery should continue was based in his belief that citizens had a right to their property as guaranteed by the Constitution. As Butler put it, “he could no more see that it was right for Northern people to rob him of his slave than it would be for him to connive at horse stealing”. He avoided the arguments of some that the slaves were inferior beings, and that their position was ordained by God: Evans ascribes this to Benjamin not being raised as a slave-owner, but coming to it later in life. Benjamin joined in a widespread view of white Southerners that the African American would not be ready for emancipation for many years, if ever. They feared that freeing the slaves would ruin many and lead to murders and rapes by the newly liberated of their former masters and mistresses. Such a massacre had been feared by Southerners since the Haitian Revolution, the violent revolt known as “Santo Domingo” in the South, in which the slaves of what became Haiti killed many whites and mulattoes in 1804 while gaining independence from French control. When the anti-slavery book Uncle Tom’s Cabin was published in 1852, Benjamin spoke out against Harriet Beecher Stowe‘s portrayal. He said that slaves were for the most part well treated, and plantation punishments, such as whipping or branding, were more merciful than sentences of imprisonment that a white man might receive in the North for similar conduct.
The History of the Confederacy –
The Confederacy, when used within or in reference to North America, generally means the Confederate States of America. It is also called the Southern Confederacy and refers to 11 states that renounced their existing agreement with others of the United States in 1860–1861 and attempted to establish a new nation in which the authority of the central government would be strictly limited and the institution of slavery would be protected. Secession from the existing Union led to the American Civil War, a bloody, four-year struggle that left much of the South in ashes and ended its hope of creating a new confederacy of states on the North American continent.
Vice President: Alexander Stephens
Montgomery, Alabama (to May 1861)
Richmond, Virginia (May 1861-1865)
Differences Between North and South
For at least three decades leading up to the schism the northern and southern regions of the United States had been growing farther apart. The North became increasingly industrialized and found a ready source of inexpensive labor in the swarms of European immigrants, particularly the Irish and Germans who came in large numbers during the potato famine in those countries. The North was more inclined toward having the federal government pay all or part of the costs of internal improvements such as canals, railroads, and lighthouses.
The South remained primarily agrarian and its large farms, or plantations, depended predominately on slave labor. It opposed federal money being spent for internal improvements because at the time tariffs were the primary source of federal income. High tariffs protected the industrial goods of the North but not the cotton and tobacco of the South, where the tariffs only raised the cost of imported goods Southerners depended on.
The slave-holding states of the South drew closer to each other and farther from their Northern brethren. They feared that if slavery were not permitted to expand into new territories acquired by the United States, the South and its concerns would lose political power in the nation’s capital. A new political party, the Republicans, wanted to prevent the spread of slavery beyond where it existed, and many Republicans were radical abolitionists hoping to end slavery everywhere in America. The election of Republican Abraham Lincoln to the presidency and the success of his party in the 1860 election was the catalyst that led Southern states to carry out what they had long threatened to do—leave the Union.
The Confederacy Established
South Carolina was the first to secede, on December 20, 1860, followed by Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana and Texas. On February 8, 1861, representatives of those states announced the formation of the Confederate States of America, with its capital at Montgomery, Alabama. Jefferson Davis of Mississippi—a Mexican War hero and former secretary of war—was chosen as president. His vice president was Alexander Stephens of Georgia, who had served in the U.S. House of Representatives.
After Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers to suppress the Southern rebellion, Arkansas, Tennessee, North Carolina and Virginia also seceded and joined the Confederacy, except for 48 counties of western Virginia that broke away and formed the Union-loyal state of West Virginia. Non-states affiliated with the Confederacy were the Confederate Territory of Arizona and members of the Five Civilized Tribes in Indian Territory (Oklahoma). Once Virginia joined the Confederacy, the national government was transferred to the city of Richmond there.
The Confederate Constitution
The constitution of the Confederacy adopted March 11, 1861, was based on that of the United States—was, in fact, virtually the same document in most respects and often used the same language verbatim—but included provisions that specifically addressed some of the issues that had led to the North–South schism.
Among the differences, the president would serve a single, six-year term, rather than four years with the possibility of succeeding himself, and would have the power of line-item veto that would allow him to strike portions of bills passed by Congress while approving the rest of the bill. Members of the cabinet would be made non-voting members of Congress.
To insure the rights of the individual states would take precedence over the power of the central government, the Confederate government could not levy protective tariffs; direct and capitation taxes and taxes on exports were restricted. The ability to make internal improvements was limited to matters regarding ports and harbors, lighthouses, and dredging rivers. The government of the Confederacy could not overrule the decisions of state courts. No consensus was ever reached about creating a Supreme Court or what form it would take, so none was ever established.
The states were permitted to maintain their own armies. They were given greater ability to amend the national constitution.
Treason would “consist only in levying war against (the Confederate States), or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort.”
Slavery in the Confederate Constitution
Article IX, Section 4 prohibited any law “denying or impairing the right of property in negro slaves”; sections 1 and 2 prohibited “The importation of Negroes of the African race from any foreign country other than the slave-holding States or Territories of the United States of America” and gave the Congress power to prohibit “the introduction of slaves from any State not a member of, or Territory not belonging to, this Confederacy.”
Article IV guaranteed the right of citizens to travel with their slaves and other property without risk of having their right of ownership impaired. No slave or other person held in service could become free as a result of escaping to another state. Any new territories were required to recognize slavery “as it now exists in the Confederate States.” Many Southerners expected to conquer and colonize Cuba and other states of the Caribbean and Central America.
Effects of the Confederate Constitution
By limiting the power of the central government, the founders of the Confederacy also limited its ability to make war. States could refuse use of their militia to the Confederate government and sometimes did if they felt the men were needed for defense at home. The constitution also severely restricted the government’s ability to raise money, a situation made more acute by the expense of war. Inflation soared, resulting in “bread riots” in many places, including the capital of Richmond.
On April 2, 1865, that capital fell to Union forces. President Davis and his cabinet fled with the treasury; he intended to reestablish the government west of the Mississippi, but on May 10 he was captured near Irwinville, Georgia.
The Confederacy had lasted barely four years. Whether it could have ultimately been successful had it won the war or if there had been no war is questionable. Even within its brief lifetime, some states of the Confederacy were already threatening to secede from it over dissatisfaction with the Davis Administration.
Now what the historians will not reveal is that the North had as many or more slaves than did the South. In addition, President Lincoln was not the Abolitionist he was predominately portrayed as. He believed in slavery utterly and did not want the institution to fade away. I’m not saying that every southern slave-owner was a benevolent master because many were not, however, the media has described the black African suffering as all encompassing on a daily basis. This kind of cruelty was few and far between and we have black Americans today that will attest to those facts besides loving the south and the confederacy.
What the southern confederacy was attempting to achieve is what we’re dealing with today. Asking for a limited government with the decency to stay our of their lives so that our privacy can be preserved. The southerners were willing to outlaw slavery and deal with freemen instead. But the north made damn sure that never happened and that the south’s legacy would always be swept up with wanting to engage in slave labor. But I can assure you that several Jews were behind that conspiracy since they were the wealthiest of the plantation owners. Regular white Gentiles did not have slaves because they could not afford to own another human being.
Coming Apart From the Inside: How Internal Strife Brought Down the Confederacy
By David J. Eicher
Jefferson Davis sat in his second-floor study in the Confederate White House in Richmond and stared blankly into the adjacent room. For all the hard work he had put in managing the war and difficult and disagreeable colleagues, disaster still seemed to be in the offing that fall of 1861. The papers on his desk didn’t help his mood; they simply reminded him of a score of arguments about to bubble over between his generals and bureau chiefs and the icy reception with which he had recently been met by the Confederate Congress.
Jefferson Davis faced a staggering challenge: How was he to forge a true nation that could wage war against the United States from a bickering hodge-podge of states that favored keeping their own identity and whose representatives seemed to take delight in challenging his every idea?
For more than a century the politicians and generals on the Confederate side have been lionized as noble warriors who heroically fought for an honorable cause that had little chance of succeeding. In reality, the Confederate leadership was rife with infighting. Davis argued with the Confederate House and Senate, state governors and his own cabinet. Senators threatened one another with physical violence. Some were brutal drunks, others hopeless idealists who would not bend even when it meant the difference between victory and defeat. Commanders were often assigned not on the basis of skill but because of personal connections.
Debates over such issues as whether the Confederacy needed a Supreme Court dragged on, squandering time that would have been better spent on making sure the troops were well fed. Davis frequently interfered with generals in the field, micromanaging their campaigns and playing favorites, ignoring the chain of command and placing trust in men who were utterly incompetent.
Some states, led by their governors, wanted to set themselves up as separate nations, further undermining a unified war effort. Tensions were so extreme that the vice president of the Confederacy refused to live in the same state as Davis—and this while they were trying to win a war.
Davis knew his political existence and those of his colleagues had been built on the concept of states’ rights. To have a chance at winning the war, however, he needed sweeping administrative and military central powers. The Confederate States of America needed to act as one.
The internal war between Davis and Congress erupted quickly. On Nov-ember 8, 1861, Davis’ war clerk, John B. Jones, wrote in his diary, “No Executive had ever such cordial and unanimous support.” By the summer of 1862, however, he reported “murmurs” against the president. Secretary of the Navy Stephen Mallory remarked in August how Congress seemed unhappy with Davis and that a “spirit of opposition” was growing. Meanwhile, South?Carolina Senator Lawrence Keitt openly termed Davis “a failure.”
Field officers also joined in the attacks against Davis. Robert A. Toombs, a Georgia politician who had briefly served as Davis’ secretary of state, was now a brigadier general hoping to win the war by killing Yankees rather than arguing in Richmond. He frequently shared his frustrations with fellow Georgian Alexander H. Stephens, the vice president, including comments like, “As [to] the assignment of Smith’s regiment, [Secretary of State Judah P.] Benjamin wrote me that the President instructed him to suggest to me to call Genl. [Joseph E.] Johnston’s attention to it; that he was commander of both corps of the army. I replied to Benj[amin] that I had good reasons to know that fact, ‘and in common with the army, not without reasons to lament it.’ I never knew as incompetent [an] executive officer. As he has been to West Point, tho’, I suppose he necessarily knows everything about it. We are doing nothing here, and will do nothing. The army is dying….Set this down in your book, and set down opposite to it its epitaph, ‘died of West Point.’ ”
A week later, Toombs turned his ire more directly toward the president. “Davis is here,” he confided to Stephens. “His generals are fooling [him] about the strength of our force in order to shield their inactivity. [Davis] talks of activity on the Potomac but I fear he does not feel it strong enough to move this inert mass.”
Colonel Thomas W.?Thomas of the 15th?Georgia also derided Davis, writing that “Pres. Davis was up the other day and reviewed about 12,000 troops at Fairfax Court House. There was not a single cheer, even when some one in the crowd among the staff called out for three cheers there was not a single response, everything was as cold as funeral meats.”
The volatile issue of conscription soon shattered relations between Davis, Congress and the state governors. Virginia Governor John Letcher declared conscription “the most alarming stride towards consolidation that has ever occurred,” but conceded he would not fight Davis because the alternative would be ruin. Not so Georgia Governor Joe Brown, who believed that the draft was a measure aimed at destroying the states. “If the State Regiments are broken up, and the conscripts belonging to them forced into other organizations against their consent,” Brown told Davis, “it will have a very discouraging effect….This Act, not only disorganizes the military system of all the States, but consolidates almost the entire military system of the State in the Confederate Executive, with the appointment of the officers of the militia, and enables him at his pleasure, to cripple or destroy the civil government of each State, by arresting, and carrying into the Confederate Service, the officers charged by the State Constitution.”
Davis was incensed. “I have received your letter,” he wrote Brown, “informing me of your transfer of the Georgia State troops to General [Alexander] Lawton commanding Confederate forces at Savannah suggesting that there be as little interference as possible on the part of the Confederate authorities with the present organization of those troops…interference with the present organization of companies, squadrons, battalions, or regiments tendered by Governors of States, is specially disclaimed.” So began a bitter fight.
Davis never knew where or when the next divisive issue would pop up. Governor Henry Rector of Arkansas fueled the Confederacy’s internal problems, for example, when he wanted to pull his state away from the Confederacy in the summer of 1862. His state would not, Rector declared in a proclamation, “remain a confederate State, desolated as a wilderness.”
Rector threatened to build “a new ark and launch it on new waters, seeking a haven somewhere, of equality, safety, and rest.” Responding to Rector’s proclamation, Governor Francis Lubbock of Texas wrote the president, reassuring him as best he could that support would come from the Deep South. “This is no time for bickering, heart-burnings, and divisions among a people struggling for existence as a free Government,” Lubbock wrote.
The issue persisted throughout that year, and Davis lectured Congress at the beginning of 1863 that “You can best devise the means for establishing that entire cooperation of the Sate and central governments which is essential to the well-being of both….”
His admonition fell on deaf ears, for on February 5, 1863, the Senate heard a proposed amendment to the Confederate constitution that would allow an aggrieved state to secede from the Confederacy. “It shall do so in peace,” read the proposal, “but shall be entitled to its pro rata share of property and be liable for its pro rata share of public debt to be determined by negotiation.” The plan was referred to the Judicial Committee. Two days later senators failed to recommend the amendment, and the idea was dropped as being too dangerous.
Sickly Vice President Alexander Stephens was another snake in the grass Davis had to deal with. Early in the war, Stephens had returned to his home in Crawfordville Ga., to conspire and orchestrate a campaign against the president. “What is wanting in Richmond is ‘brains,’ Howell Cobb, a Georgia general officer who had been president of the Confederate Provisional Congress and a likely candidate for Davis’ job, wrote to the vice president. “I did not find the temper and disposition of Congress as bad as I expected, but there is a lamentable want of brains and good sound common sense.”
Lawrence Keitt wrote his wife that he had heard “Toombs is on the stump in Geo., and is arraigning Davis in a terrible manner.” He added: “I have always feared the divisions, which I saw would spring up among us. You cannot have liaison—connection [sic]—unity—among a planting community. Too many Revolutions have shipwrecked upon internal division. This Revolution proves that canonized imbecility is but a straw before the wrath of masses—it seems to be a law of humanity that generation after generation must rescue its liberties from the insidious grasp of a foe without or within. In our case, we have to seize them from both foes—we have a worthless government, and are reduced to the humiliation of acknowledging it, because we cannot, with safety, shake it.”
In early 1864, senators introduced a bill to use blacks in the military, opening up another avenue of internal debate. The bill was referred to committee, and by order of the Senate leadership the committee was discharged from considering the bill on February 5. Meanwhile, in the House, William Porcher Miles, chairman of the Military Affairs Committee, reported that he believed the act to employ slaves and free blacks would increase the army by 40,000 men. John Baldwin of Virginia wanted to exempt any free blacks engaged in food production, particularly in the Shenandoah Valley.
Ethelbert Barksdale of Mississippi objected, saying that free blacks “are a blot upon our [cause], and pernicious to our slave population….[Baldwin] says to the free negro, you shall not bear the burdens of this war—while [the white citizen] must take his place in the army.” After further argument and slight massaging of the language, the bill was passed. A discussion about whether or not African Americans would in fact be armed and whether slaves would be emancipated in compensation, like so many other thorny policy and military decisions the South needed to make, was deferred.
By May 1864, with a Union army driving into the Wilderness, members of Congress were thrown into a near panic, and legislators introduced a flurry of contradictory resolutions, amendments and joint agreements. Some members resolved that a congressional company be formed to go out and join the fight. Others wanted to evacuate Richmond and move the government to a place of safety. In opposition to that, a number of congressmen argued that the public needed to be kept calm, and a formal declaration should be passed that stated there was absolutely no danger.
A clutch of harried congressmen pressed to exempt those over 50 from service, a proviso that would have included many Congressmen. Another contingent of lawmakers conversely argued that everyone available would be needed to defend Richmond.
Still others took the floor to suggest that no time existed to refer any response to the Military Affairs Committee, which would only delay any action, or that Congress should rely on the president to tell it what it should do. The Confederacy’s leaders were going round and round in debate while Ulysses S. Grant and the Army of the Potomac pounded deeper into Virginia and William T. Sherman’s legions continued to drive on Atlanta.
To make matters worse for the Southern cause that hot summer, the loyalty of state governors to the cause seemed to be splintering. The greatest trouble was growing in Georgia, where the disenchanted Stephens had set up camp.
The vice president had a friendship, not surprisingly, with a cranky anti-administration newspaper editor, Henry Cleveland, who ran the Augusta Constitutionalists. The two struck up a long, detailed correspondence in which they openly discussed what they perceived as the president’s incompetence and what ought to be done about it.
The two men also discussed the idea of a peace conference. They believed such an event could wrest responsibility for conduct of the war from the hands of Davis and restore tranquility to the beleaguered South.
On June 8, Cleveland wrote Stephens: “Since my second letter to you, I have received your last, and confess that I did suppose you had hope of terms from Lincoln. For my self (from reasons I will some day give you) I am satisfied that the States can to day get terms and good terms, but Mr. Davis never can.” Continued Cleveland, “No human power can change Mr. Davis, and consequently, no human power can save the Confederacy from war and speeches. I am satisfied that the immediate secession of Georgia from the Confederate States would be the best thing we could do, and am equally satisfied that nine-tenths of the people of Georgia will follow the lead of the Administration, until our cause is beyond the hand of resurrection….The Stars and Stripes will float over the Government works in Augusta before a year expires, and Mr. Davis be dead or in exile….To win this fight, under this Administration, would be a result without a reason—an effect without a cause. Is this treason? I am afraid you will think so, but it is difficult to look back at all we have suffered, and see blood and life and desperate valor thrown away, and still think calmly.”
Local politics and business intervened to muzzle Cleveland’s public discontent. “A letter from Henry Cleveland informs me that the majority of the stock of the Constitutionalist is now owned by Administration men,” wrote Georgia Governor Joe Brown, a fellow conspirator, “and that he will be obliged to change his course, keep silent, or be ousted. Could not enough of the stock be purchased to control and keep the paper on the right lines?”
Despite the shift, more and more Southerners picked up on an increasing and tangled web of conspiracy in Georgia. “Our Vice President is a dangerous man,” Brig. Gen. Thomas C. Hindman wrote his friend Louis Wigfall, a powerful anti-Davis senator, “the more so because of his stealthy policy and his bogus reputation for fairness and honesty. I consider him the head of a faction that is ready to betray the Confederacy and sell the blood of the Army. ‘Crushing him out’ is doing God’s service.”
In Richmond, meanwhile, the second session of the Second Congress of the Confederate States of America began on November 7, 1864. On that day Davis sent a long message to Congress covering many urgent points that needed to be faced. In many ways it was a last attempt for turnaround and cooperation on a variety of issues that the president felt were sinking the Confederacy if left unresolved. But Congress failed to act decisively on nearly every one of them.
The Confederacy was on its last legs as 1865 began. Siege operations around Petersburg ground on, sapping the remaining resources and supplies that could be brought to bear against the Union army. General John Bell Hood’s disastrous campaign in Tennessee had effectively eliminated the Army of Tennessee from further meaningful service in the war. A combined Federal Army and Navy operation was closing in on Wilmington, N.C., the last open Confederate port, and the Lincoln administration had decisively won the election.
The Confederate Congress finally decided to act, doing something of which Davis disapproved—developing peace proposals. As early as January 12, the House passed a resolution to send a peace commission to Washington. The next day Davis reported to the House that an old nemesis, Congressman Henry Foote of Tennessee, with whom Davis had nearly once dueled, had been arrested on his way to Washington. Foote had been detained at Occoquan, Va., while trying to cross the lines on a private peace mission to the Yankee capital. A special committee was appointed to investigate Foote, and it expelled him from the house.
Once the war all but ended in April, the turmoil that had kept the Confederacy continually unsettled was missing from many histories written by Southern politicians and generals. Few wanted to face up to the fact that internal strife had contributed to the Confederacy’s ruin. Soon after the Confederate surrender, Southern historians began massaging the political facts to make their leaders look better.
Those revisionists included Davis himself, who even changed the notes of his wartime secretary, Burton Harrison. Davis reworked the claim that he had been “among the keenest and most sagacious of them all in his endeavor to precipitate secession upon the country” to “in his assertion of the rights of the States under the Constitution and of the right of Secession—although the records of Congress show that he cherished the utmost devotion to the Union and consistently opposed extremists of all parties who were endeavoring to precipitate actual secession.”
In his first inaugural address, Davis said he was “prophesying [sic] peace, but threatened that the enemies of the South would be compelled to ‘smell Southern powder, and feel Southern steel.’” He slightly altered that declaration after the war by saying that he was expressing a desire to maintain peaceful relations with the states that had remained in the Union and was asserting that all the seceding states desired was “to be let alone.” The threat that they would make the enemies of the South “smell Southern powder and feel Southern steel” would occur only if war were forced upon them.
Davis’ postwar embellishments described a harmonious environment that never existed and ignored the bitter squabbles that took place among those who needed to cooperate in order for the Confederacy to succeed. The roll call included men such as Alexander Stephens, Henry Foote and Robert Toombs—Southern leaders who held the principles of states’ rights and slavery higher than the existence of their own creation, the Confederate States of America.
Black Americans who served the Confederacy
Black Confederate Veterans
Blacks who fought for the Confederacy!
4th of July Special
July 3, 2012
Black Confederate Officer and Soldiers marching on in Dixie
Riding and Writing from San Diego, the last Solid Southern Conservative Stand in the Gay Liberal State of California, Ahreeman shall begin this important historical lecture!
Rebel in Heart!
I woke up this morning singing “Red Rose O Alabamy” (Confederate Song) in my sleep! What the hell was that?! Hot Damn (I told myself), I must be an Ol Confederate Officer’s Soul reincarnate in the body of a Persian man ….. and that is why they call me the “Eye-Rainian RedNeck”!
Black Confederate Activist H K Edgerton honors the Confederate Flag
Hot Damn, I had always one foot on the saddle of the bike and one foot in the grave! I was born a Rebel! I was not born in America but I am as American as the Apple Pie and Football (which I played for decades). When it comes to defining the term “Rebel”, I give a new definition to the term! I am an Original Rebel.
Black Confederate Soldier Silas Chandler a Freeman and Former Slave with Andrew Martin Chandler his childhood friend and fellow Confederate Soldier from 44th Mississippi Infantry – Company F
Civil War (1861 – 1865)
I have always been a Rebel. Since childhood living in Iran watching the Western Movies, I had sympathy for the Confederacy and I just knew that there must be more to all of these Yankee Propaganda Western Series and Movies than what shows! Then at an older age, when I started my history readings (age 10), I also started to read the American History. Things started to clear up but they never had become clear as the glass until I came to America (1979) and started to study the American History in depth. I self educated myself to the true American History in the later years. Until this day I simply cannot get enough of the American History.
A United Daughter of Confederacy is receiving the Confederate Flag and Honors for her Black Confederate Veteran Grandfather’s bravery and service to the Confederacy. Honors received way past due!
On this 4th of July ……
On this 4th of July I have decided to write a special piece about one of the most controversial cases in the American history, a case that American Liberal Media, American Liberal Democrats and American Politically Correct Liberal Educational System refuses to debate about and they blindfold their eyes to the historical realities. It’s a taboo subject that the Lame Stream Media (Sarah Palin’s Term for the Main Stream Media) refuses to even talk about! So in this 4th of July Special, I have decided to write about this subject and acknowledge the great services of many Good Old Black Folks who served and fought for the Confederacy during the Civil War. These forgotten veterans are also valid veterans of the Civil War. No matter how the Liberal Big Government Establishment disagrees with their politics, yet they have fought and died for what they believed as Confederate Soldiers and Servicemen and women. It is well past due to acknowledge and give credit to these Black Confederate Veterans.
Dr. Nelson W. Winbush grandson of a Black Confederate Veteran stands in front of the Confederate flag which draped his grandfather’s coffin on 1934
In this paper I shall educate the open minds amongst the Iranian American Community, American Community and the Global Community about this historical fact. The fact that the Liberal Big Government Establishment does not want you to know.
Black Confederate Veteran Louis Napoleon Nelson poses with his grandson Dr. Nelson W. Winbush at the Memphis train station in 1932 before leaving to attend a Confederate reunion celebration.
On this 4th of July America will be 236 Years Old!
2012 – 1776 = 236
The history of this amazing nation which in only 236 years have managed to dedicate more to the human civilization, science, technology and history than any other ancient civilization is fascinating. The nation which provided the Greatest Constitution on Earth:
In only 236 years, America has achieved what the world could not have achieved in millenniums. Why is that? Because America is the only place on Earth where you can come, do hard work, become a citizen, make something of yourself from nothing, engage in the “American Dream” and afterwards, we will accept you as an “American”!
Confederate Battle Banner Southern Jack
We do not care about your race, religion, ethnicity, ideology and Klan or Social Status. As long as you speak English and be a productive member of the society to make America a better place, we will embrace you as one of us. Then we will call you an “American”.
You can go to England, France, Germany or anywhere else in the world and join their societies for decades but officially or unofficially and in their hearts they will never accept you as their citizen and one of their own but we will. Why? Because America is the nation of immigrants and the immigrants are what makes the America great.
Tea Party Flag
Gadsden Flag (Don’t Thread on Me Flag)
This flag was first flown upon the board of the Patriots’ Colonial Troop Ship on January 4th, 1776.
General Gadsden had designed this flag. General Christopher Gadsden (1724 – 1805) was a military man and a statesman from South Carolina. He was the leader of the South Carolina Patriot Movement during the American Revolution. He was a Representative in the Continental Congress and a Brigadier General in the Continental Army during the War of Independence. General Gadsden was the designer of the Gadsden Flag which is now drafted by the Tea Party as its official flag.
Confederate States of America Flag
How all the lies started against the South –
Northern Liberals, NAACP, Black Liberals and Socialist Liberal Democrats through the years have been actively trying to hide, cover-up and lie about the history to put the average American and keep him in the dark. Due to liberal propaganda, the historically illiterate average American, aligns CSA (Confederate States of America, the Rebel Flag and Confederacy directly with the Slavery; therefore, any person who sympathizes with the South and CSA or the Confederate Banner is branded as Racist, Bigot and KKK.
Liberal lies of Reverend Jesse Jackson, Reverend Al Sharpton, NAACP and so on has no end! The propaganda is wide and deep. All of these liberal theories come dandy until the true historians uncover the plot and the Yankee Shiite hits the fan!
Gary Kalof grandson of a Black Confederate Veteran
Gary Kalof commander of a Sons of Confederate Veterans camp in Miami, Florida, USA
When the history unveils that:
* Great Majority of the Southern Whites did not own slaves.
* Many Southern Blacks were Working Freemen.
* Many Blacks were Entrepreneurs who owned Slaves.
* Many Black Freemen and Slaves sympathized with the Confederacy.
* Many Black Freemen and slaves Volunteered to fight for Confederacy.
* Many Black Former Slaves fought for Confederacy to prove that they deserve their freedom.
* Many Blacks simply fought to protect their Southern home and lifestyle from the invading Yankees.
Then the Northern Liberal Lies fabricated in New York City, Los Angeles and Hollywood gets exposed and a curtain of ignorance gets up lifted from the average American’s eyes!
Liberals want to make you believe that the Civil War was fought for Slavery.
Liberals want you to believe that CSA Sympathizers are Racists.
The reality is that:
It’s Not Hate, its Heritage!
It is called southern Heritage.
The Major Reason for the Civil War (1861 – 1865)
The reality is that the Civil War was a constitutional conflict. It was a battle over constitutional rights of the states to run their own affairs vs. the Big Government controlling all the states.
The major reason for the civil war was not slavery but it was seeking independence due to oppression of the federal government turned to a central government while forgotten about Federalism. The Big Government denied the rights of states in their internal affairs and started to dictate to them how to run their lives. Big Government started to dump the Federalism which this country was built upon it in the trashcan. This is why states succeeded. This is how the Civil War started.
Same goes today where Hussein Obama and Big Government Liberals are trying to deny state rights (Arizona Case) and establish a Socialist Big Government dictating to states on what to do.
The Confederate Flag
The Southern Cross Banner (The Rebel Flag)
Confederate Flag originally represents the original 11 succeeded states + 2 invited states (Missouri and Kentucky) to join the Confederacy. The original succeeded states were: Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Florida, Arkansas, and Texas.
In later dates the Confederate Banner represented the original 11 succeeded states + the 2 territories of Indian (Oklahoma) and Arizona (Arizona / New Mexico).
Even though Confederacy had claims on Missouri, Kentucky, West Virginia and Maryland, yet they have never officially joined the Confederacy; however, they were always remained as battlegrounds. Missouri and Kentucky were more tilted towards the Confederacy but West Virginia and Maryland were more tilted towards the Union.
The Confederate Flag also known as the Rebel Flag, Dixie Flag or the Southern Cross is consisted of the original 13 stars standing for the original succeeded states and territories on a diagonal Southern Cross planted on a Rebel Red Color background.
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The Confederate Salute
The modern Confederate Salute is as:
“I salute the Confederate Flag with affection, reverence and undying remembrance”
This “salute” to the Confederate flag was written by Mrs. James Henry Parker of the New York and adopted by the “United Daughters of the Confederacy” in 1933. The salute is still used by all who believe in the Confederacy, the history, the heritage and the cause and the cry for independence of the Confederacy due to the oppression of the Big Union Government including but not limited to the:
* United Daughters of the Confederacy
* Sons of the Confederate Veterans
* Children of the Confederacy
Johnny Reb Confederate Skull Insignia and Flag
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Every southerner has the right to celebrate their heritage whether we’re black or white.